The end of the 1980s.
Marek Krajewski
The close of the 1980s was not only about the radical political changes and the beginning of the transformation, as sociologists like to call this period, meaning the alteration of the objective and world Polish world in all its aspects, from mental changes and the evolution of eating habits and hygiene standards to the far-reaching institutional modifications. Concentrating on the political, ideological and economical scope of this metamorphosis, one tends to forget about two other processes. The first development concerns the revolution of mass imagination while the second is connected with the discovery that people differ and thus cannot be perceived within the one-dimensional ‘we vs. they’ opposition, which had constituted the foundation of self-determination as well as the source of ideas for life until then.
The process responsible for projecting the future and establishing the borderlines between the possible and the impossible, the conversion of imagination originated in the liberation feeling of the early 80s (which was revived at the end of the decade) as well as students’ protests and the theatricalisation of social opposition. Another source of the transformation was Poland’s joining the global production networks, which was linked with the spread of, so far inexistent, dreams among the Poles. This accession was caused by capitalists who were forced to travel between the European and Asiatic markets. Their movement was fueled by the super high rate of the American dollar, corrupted customs officers and low salaries, as the multiple of their income could be obtained via several days’ transformation into a living stopgap of the economy of deficiency. Tradesmen of all possible social groups would bring not only washing powder cotton shirts, marbled jeans, patterned jumpers or RTV equipment, but also free market ideology and the belief that, with a bit of ingeniousness and cunning, one could change their life within a day. The temptation of making a sufficient amount of money to buy a flat (for which one had to wait for a few decades) within several months was strong enough to destroy the differences between value systems shared by individual social groups along with their accompanying ethos. Imagination was subject to change and everything became possible. The fact that the capitalism, general prosperity and western consumer norms began to seam real was not the only issue. More importantly, the individuals believed in their own ability to influence and control their fate, shaping it according to their will. While at that time what might be called “existential normality according to the western standards”(i.e. financial safety, consumption on a higher than socialist level) was a prevailing desire, the actual achievement of this level (and the belief in the realization of these standards) equaled the radical reorganization of cognitive tools which were available to the Poles. In other words, this meant a drastic change in the mechanisms of social consciousness. Now imagination seemed to have lost its boundaries and everything was dependent on an individual. Also, this transformation led to the sense of rejection and marginalisation among those who did not take the opportunity.
Modern technological means of communication, especially video players and satellite aerials constitute another factor responsible for Poland’s joining the global production networks and the emergence of new dreams in the 80s. One might risk a statement that those means rather than the press and western radio stations filled Polish imagination with the new types of representation which differed from the socialist reality, thus acting as a spur to a change.
The transformation in Poland was accompanied by the drastic revolution of the media in the capitalistic world. Its fruit, such as CNN, MTV, satellite TV, walkmans, video and CD players caused information, especially images, to circulate more freely than ever before across the political and ideological boundaries. This seemed to be the fulfillment of the forecast formulated by David Riesman, who in 1951 in his text “Nylon War” suggested bombarding the USSR with missiles of nylon stockings in order to arouse consumers desires amongst the Russians and consequently lead to the collapse of the Soviet system. At the end of the 80s the stockings were replaced with “Conan” and “Rambo” videotapes, ice cream on a stick and Bavarian porn films as well as presented on TV Sabrina, CC Catch, Modern Talking Italo disco stars, break-dance and aerobics. Furthermore, images of common people from the western world appeared, presenting their lives and problems which diverged greatly from those which the Poles had to face. With the visual space unprecedentedly saturated with images, the alteration of what the native media offered ensued. Thus, the cinema provoked the audience with films containing bold erotic scenes (e.g. Tabu [Taboo], Łuk Erosa, [Eros’ Arch], Widziadło [Apparition], Medium), whereas television tried to compete with video players and satellite TV via W labiryncie [In the Labyrinth], the first Polish soap opera, evening soft-porn showings (Różowa seria [The Pink Series]) and, finally, programmes presenting western music videos (Jarmark [The Fair]). The new experiences of the media reshaped Polish tastes, producing the models of good entertainment, good music and good films. Moreover, they influenced people’s imagination, creating new norms related to clothes, hairstyle, cars, furnishings and interpersonal relations. Owing to those standards, the gap between the actual and the potential grew to such an extent that the vision of its decrease by means of substitution consumption, based on the reserves of the real socialist system, was not credible anymore. In addition, the radical reorganization of the status quo now appeared possible. Today one may find it hard to realize the momentousness of the changes brought about by the media and their impact on the Polish consciousness. It seems incredible to what degree the worthless and depolicitized western pop culture, which forced its way into Polish houses, transformed the standard patterns of adapting to reality. The grim world of food and petrol ration coupons, in which satisfying basic needs verged on the miraculous, and the colourful world abounding in groceries, clothes, sounds, smells, corporeality, sexuality etc., constituted a jarring note. This clash necessarily resulted in a most basic transformation. However, the revolution occurred on the level of elemental cognitive tools being at individuals’ disposal rather than on the level of street protests, the round-table talks or TV debates between union leaders (Miodowicz vs. Wałęsa).
In the second half of the 80s the Poles ceased describing themselves in terms of simple oppositions, such as the East vs. the West, the eastern bloc vs. the western bloc, the USSR vs. the USA or the communism vs. the capitalism, since, for the first time, the world (including Poland) had to face what Urlich Beck and others called “world risk society”. The explosion of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant, the AIDS pandemic, ecological disasters and drug abuse did not compare to the threats to which the Poles had been accustomed so far (e.g. nuclear conflicts). Obviously, the effects of these threats might have been equally dangerous. Yet, one could easily indicate the guilty parties and hence plan preventive measures. The new risks which entered the Polish consciousness via the media defined the world in terms of their range rather than geopolitical borders or the place of residence. Now the world was both, global and Polish. The fear of the new threats cured Poles of their provincialism, forcing them perceive themselves as the citizens of the borderless world and the individuals for whom nationality and ideology do not constitute the entirety of their identity. The new dimension of self-determination did not result in social uniformity, as the emergence of new problems triggered extremely diversified reactions. On the one hand side, new social movements appeared. These fought with ecological threats (putting a block on power plant building in Żarnowiec and Klempicz), drug abuse (Marek Kotański’s Monar [Youth Movement for Counteraction of Drug Addiction] and Youth Movement for Pure Hearts) or spiritual emptiness (new religious movements). On the other hand, extreme right wing and fascist organizations were revived, Markot (Movement out of Homelessness) houses were attacked and ultra-Catholic fundamentalism was born.
The latter phenomenon seems especially significant as it concerns the mentioned above process of Poles’ discovering the differences among themselves. The real socialist system offered a clear social structure (there were three major social categories: the workers, the peasants and the intelligentsia as well as several others whom the socialists wanted to eradicate, i.e. the small business owners, the shirkers, the profiteers etc.) Moreover, this system was characterized by outlook polarization (people were forced define themselves in terms of the only acceptable division into the supporters and the enemies of socialism). Also, socialists eliminated religious diversity in favour of secularization and limited tolerance towards Catholicism. Furthermore, they uniformed people’s lifestyles, mostly via the homogenous and fordistic character of the market as well as leisure in the form of group entertainment and the monoculture of the media. Finally, the system produced the enclaves of every possible cultural difference. All these actions led to the creation of homogenous society, in which some diversity was allowed but it had the character of communes and thus triggered negative reactions. These could be compared the reactions of the first European travelers who, in contact with the Other, were both curious and filled with the desire to make the Other similar to them: the representatives of the only conceivable culture.
Without doubt, the first phenomena which did not fit this clear and simple picture, contradicting its underpinnings, were the groups of odd looking and strange behaving people which emerged during the rock and roll boom of the 80s. With the mass character of these subcultures, one found it hard to treat them like the former movements of this kind, i.e. in the categories of insignificant deviation which only a few people suffer from and which needs to be cured. Subcultures were getting more and more assimilated into an urban landscape. A few attempts at their exotisation resembled those from the memorable Polish Film Chronicles, presenting the birth of jazz and big beat. Yet, with the abundance of subculture movements merging into the pop-cultural mainstream, all the endeavours turned out to be futile. Initially homogenous itself, the vanguard of cultural diversity underwent gradual differentiation, splitting into antagonistic camps and reflecting outlook differences amid the young themselves. Consequently, individualism consolidated as the only possible and desirable value. The vital aspect of subcultures was introducing the categories of “being oneself”, independence and nonconformism into everyday language. Moreover, the visual field became saturated with the visible proofs of diversity among individuals. While specific clothes, body movements, drugs, alcohol and behaviour patterns which did not adhere to the generally accepted norms constituted a revolutionary sight, they also related to much deeper transformation, namely to setting the society members at variance. It was the close of the 1980 that, for the first time in history, streets became the official place of self-expression. The theatrical character of the period was both the effect of subculture colourfulness and of current trends. The fashion of that time was characterized by kitsch, asymmetry, backcombed hairstyles, plastic jewellery, vibrant jackets, marbled jeans, patterned leggings and baggy harem pants. All these elements, juxtaposed with the prevailing darkness, were a harbinger of new ones as well as an indicator of the spreading diversity and vanishing sameness. One could no longer turn away their head and remain ignorant of this phenomenon.
The religious movements which, at least in the Polish context could be labeled as “new”, popped up like mushrooms, producing the same effect as subcultural performances. These ranged from commonly accepted, such as Buddhism or the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), to more exotic international or local sects. In the country where Catholicism was treated as patriotic duty and where going to church equaled fighting with the system, these new forms of spiritual self-realization evoked much greater anxiety than the eccentric clothes and behaviour patterns of rebellious teenagers. In addition, they constituted a proof of internal diversification in the population. However, as a new enemy substituting the declining communism, the movements became a contributor to Christian activists’ mobilization, forcing them to consolidate and manifest their beliefs. This consequently led to the emergence of new divisions in social life and of the overlap between the current and the so far unknown social conflicts. With the disappearance of the one party and the one leader, people gradually lost their certainty of how and what they should believe. The growing doubt also concerned the previous fighters for religious freedom which had been equated with the right to be a member of the Catholic Church.
The ideological and political sphere, too, underwent the process of differentiation at the close of the 80s. The two conflicting sides, which had been dominating so far, i.e. the Party and the opposition, would start multidimensional arguments concerning fundamental values. Yet, facing the general confrontation of the early 80s, both of them came to the fore in a rather homogenous manner. It was at the end of the decade that the cracks within each camp became evident. Those which emerged within the opposition bloc still have an effect on the public sphere. The most important contentious issues have included the attitude towards communism, religion and nation, the acceptable scope of civil liberties and the freedom of self-realization, approaches to modernization and liberalism as well as the admissible model of democracy. Thus, not only did the ideological market of that period considerably grow to include overtly manifested anti-communist attitudes, but it also became diversified, owing to those who adopted and practiced these attitudes. This differentiation advanced further thanks to the new social movements which emerged in Poland only slightly later than in the West. These primarily comprised the pacifist movement (best represented by the Freedom and Peace movement, which fought for abolishing compulsory military service in the nation’s beloved army), the ecological and anti-abortion movements as well as those which one could simply label “freedom movements”, fighting for the freedom of self-expression and creation (e.g. the Orange Alternative, Totart). The phenomenon of outlook pluralisation was vital, as it best reflected Poles’ diversity as well as releasing great social energy which found an outlet in disputes, demonstrations or civil, artistic and publishing activities. I am under the impression that never again have young people, in particular, been as active citizens as at the end of the 80s for never again have one enjoyed so much freedom as then. This was paradoxical as during that period one could not say everything (the repressing police apparatus and censorship still existed. Moreover, the open access to the media was limited.). However, the prevailing belief was that anything was possible and everything was in individuals’ hands). One source of this belief was the already mentioned infection of general imagination with the awareness that one influences their fate. Another source constituted the omnipresent proofs that the communism was now only a sham which ineptly dealt with reality, being therefore on the verge of collapse. Everybody knew that things could not go on the way they had so far. The consciousness that “it was tomorrow already” and that one could already determine the shape of what was to emerge from the ruins of the socialist world, spurred people’s initiative.
At the close of the 80s the structure of Polish society also began to diversify. Yet, the primary factors of the differentiating process were firstly, cunning and enterprise, and secondly, belonging to party elites, rather than the traditional indicators class membership. The system change in Poland was therefore of paradoxical character as it awarded bounces to those who possessed the qualities which were desirable in the capitalistic world and simultaneously the relations through which they became the chosen ones for the realization of the American rags-to-riches myth. Both camps, however, benefited from limbo between the real socialist system which was dying down, and the capitalist system which was only just being born. Such was the state of Poland at the end of the 80s. It was no-man’s time, which could be made use of by anyone, thus giving rise to considerable inequalities among society. Those were privileged, who had access to information and got involved in the networks ensuring improved material and social status within a short time. The heroic period of Polish capitalism was marked by the legendary fortunes belonging to Aleksander Gawronik and Art-B as well as the success of nomenclature firms and Polish companies abroad. This was reflected in usually irreverent films which excellently portrayed the contemporary rules of financial games (e.g. Kapitał, czyli jak zrobić pieniądze w Polsce [Capital or How to Earn Money in Poland], Piłkarski Poker [Soccer Poker], Wielka wsypa [The Great Island] or later Młode wilki [Young Wolves], Amok, Billboard, Nie ma zmiłuj [No Mercy], Pierwszy million [First million] etc.). The great, mythical fortunes, made from one day to the next, were followed by tremendous corruption, with which the contemporary market could not cope. This led considerable inconsistencies in people’s lifestyles, mocked by the stereotypes of moccasins worn with white socks, cognac drunk in vodka drinking style, houses resembling sheiks’ palaces, love for ornaments and patriotic paintings, pouches stuffed with money nouveau riche manners.
Thus, the pro-capitalist revolution annihilated what could be called the bond of fates and experiences, expressed by the similar degree of anguish to which the economy of deficiency treated society. Similar in effects to Earth’s tectonic movements, this revolution rapidly formed the social structure anew. From one day to the next, it created new social divisions, elevating some people to unbelievably high position while reducing others to abject poverty. Hence, it seems that Kieślowski’s Decalogue was not created accidentally. This series which resembles and addresses the issues of the Ten Commandments may be treated as a perfect metaphor of social collapse accompanied by the remembrances of the previous system and the visions/promises of the future. The new social order could no longer be based on old habits and had to be built from scratch. The end of the decade was an inevitable social disaster, which totally changed the social structure, turning out to be freeing as it brought new kinds of satisfaction. Yet, it also led to new forms of injustice. It was a catastrophe resulted in social freedom while droving a wedge between the society members.
Without doubt, the close of the 80s was the time of social anomy and of new values, the time of institutional chaos and of new regulations, the time of system collapse and of creative destruction. During that period the most important means of adaptation was imagination because of which, according to Appadurai, people “no longer perceive their lives as resulting from the status quo but frequently as a compromise between what they are able to imagine and what they are permitted by social life”. The latter, as it has already been said, did not allow to do everything. Yet, it gave the impression that anything was possible. For this reason, peoples’ fates together with the shape of the social system were dependent on how transgressive their imagination was and on how much they trusted in its performative and creative powers. Thus, the revolution of imagination was mostly about common faith in the unrealistic: in the fulfillment of dreams.
Marek Krajewski
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Marek Krajewski - sociologist, professor of Adam Mickiewicz Uniwersity, worker of the Institute of Sociology of Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. Author of books: "Kultury kultury popularnej" [Cultures of Popular Culture](2003, 2006) and “Popamiętanie” [Remembering Pop] (2006) as well as numerous articles devoted to public art, popular culture, the media and the social aspects of material goods; curator of many exhibitions, originator and coordinator of projects: Outside AMS Gallery (1997-2003) and Invisible City (www.niewidzialnemiasto.pl).
The close of the 1980s was not only about the radical political changes and the beginning of the transformation, as sociologists like to call this period, meaning the alteration of the objective and world Polish world in all its aspects, from mental changes and the evolution of eating habits and hygiene standards to the far-reaching institutional modifications. Concentrating on the political, ideological and economical scope of this metamorphosis, one tends to forget about two other processes. The first development concerns the revolution of mass imagination while the second is connected with the discovery that people differ and thus cannot be perceived within the one-dimensional ‘we vs. they’ opposition, which had constituted the foundation of self-determination as well as the source of ideas for life until then.
The process responsible for projecting the future and establishing the borderlines between the possible and the impossible, the conversion of imagination originated in the liberation feeling of the early 80s (which was revived at the end of the decade) as well as students’ protests and the theatricalisation of social opposition. Another source of the transformation was Poland’s joining the global production networks, which was linked with the spread of, so far inexistent, dreams among the Poles. This accession was caused by capitalists who were forced to travel between the European and Asiatic markets. Their movement was fueled by the super high rate of the American dollar, corrupted customs officers and low salaries, as the multiple of their income could be obtained via several days’ transformation into a living stopgap of the economy of deficiency. Tradesmen of all possible social groups would bring not only washing powder cotton shirts, marbled jeans, patterned jumpers or RTV equipment, but also free market ideology and the belief that, with a bit of ingeniousness and cunning, one could change their life within a day. The temptation of making a sufficient amount of money to buy a flat (for which one had to wait for a few decades) within several months was strong enough to destroy the differences between value systems shared by individual social groups along with their accompanying ethos. Imagination was subject to change and everything became possible. The fact that the capitalism, general prosperity and western consumer norms began to seam real was not the only issue. More importantly, the individuals believed in their own ability to influence and control their fate, shaping it according to their will. While at that time what might be called “existential normality according to the western standards”(i.e. financial safety, consumption on a higher than socialist level) was a prevailing desire, the actual achievement of this level (and the belief in the realization of these standards) equaled the radical reorganization of cognitive tools which were available to the Poles. In other words, this meant a drastic change in the mechanisms of social consciousness. Now imagination seemed to have lost its boundaries and everything was dependent on an individual. Also, this transformation led to the sense of rejection and marginalisation among those who did not take the opportunity.
Modern technological means of communication, especially video players and satellite aerials constitute another factor responsible for Poland’s joining the global production networks and the emergence of new dreams in the 80s. One might risk a statement that those means rather than the press and western radio stations filled Polish imagination with the new types of representation which differed from the socialist reality, thus acting as a spur to a change.
The transformation in Poland was accompanied by the drastic revolution of the media in the capitalistic world. Its fruit, such as CNN, MTV, satellite TV, walkmans, video and CD players caused information, especially images, to circulate more freely than ever before across the political and ideological boundaries. This seemed to be the fulfillment of the forecast formulated by David Riesman, who in 1951 in his text “Nylon War” suggested bombarding the USSR with missiles of nylon stockings in order to arouse consumers desires amongst the Russians and consequently lead to the collapse of the Soviet system. At the end of the 80s the stockings were replaced with “Conan” and “Rambo” videotapes, ice cream on a stick and Bavarian porn films as well as presented on TV Sabrina, CC Catch, Modern Talking Italo disco stars, break-dance and aerobics. Furthermore, images of common people from the western world appeared, presenting their lives and problems which diverged greatly from those which the Poles had to face. With the visual space unprecedentedly saturated with images, the alteration of what the native media offered ensued. Thus, the cinema provoked the audience with films containing bold erotic scenes (e.g. Tabu [Taboo], Łuk Erosa, [Eros’ Arch], Widziadło [Apparition], Medium), whereas television tried to compete with video players and satellite TV via W labiryncie [In the Labyrinth], the first Polish soap opera, evening soft-porn showings (Różowa seria [The Pink Series]) and, finally, programmes presenting western music videos (Jarmark [The Fair]). The new experiences of the media reshaped Polish tastes, producing the models of good entertainment, good music and good films. Moreover, they influenced people’s imagination, creating new norms related to clothes, hairstyle, cars, furnishings and interpersonal relations. Owing to those standards, the gap between the actual and the potential grew to such an extent that the vision of its decrease by means of substitution consumption, based on the reserves of the real socialist system, was not credible anymore. In addition, the radical reorganization of the status quo now appeared possible. Today one may find it hard to realize the momentousness of the changes brought about by the media and their impact on the Polish consciousness. It seems incredible to what degree the worthless and depolicitized western pop culture, which forced its way into Polish houses, transformed the standard patterns of adapting to reality. The grim world of food and petrol ration coupons, in which satisfying basic needs verged on the miraculous, and the colourful world abounding in groceries, clothes, sounds, smells, corporeality, sexuality etc., constituted a jarring note. This clash necessarily resulted in a most basic transformation. However, the revolution occurred on the level of elemental cognitive tools being at individuals’ disposal rather than on the level of street protests, the round-table talks or TV debates between union leaders (Miodowicz vs. Wałęsa).
In the second half of the 80s the Poles ceased describing themselves in terms of simple oppositions, such as the East vs. the West, the eastern bloc vs. the western bloc, the USSR vs. the USA or the communism vs. the capitalism, since, for the first time, the world (including Poland) had to face what Urlich Beck and others called “world risk society”. The explosion of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant, the AIDS pandemic, ecological disasters and drug abuse did not compare to the threats to which the Poles had been accustomed so far (e.g. nuclear conflicts). Obviously, the effects of these threats might have been equally dangerous. Yet, one could easily indicate the guilty parties and hence plan preventive measures. The new risks which entered the Polish consciousness via the media defined the world in terms of their range rather than geopolitical borders or the place of residence. Now the world was both, global and Polish. The fear of the new threats cured Poles of their provincialism, forcing them perceive themselves as the citizens of the borderless world and the individuals for whom nationality and ideology do not constitute the entirety of their identity. The new dimension of self-determination did not result in social uniformity, as the emergence of new problems triggered extremely diversified reactions. On the one hand side, new social movements appeared. These fought with ecological threats (putting a block on power plant building in Żarnowiec and Klempicz), drug abuse (Marek Kotański’s Monar [Youth Movement for Counteraction of Drug Addiction] and Youth Movement for Pure Hearts) or spiritual emptiness (new religious movements). On the other hand, extreme right wing and fascist organizations were revived, Markot (Movement out of Homelessness) houses were attacked and ultra-Catholic fundamentalism was born.
The latter phenomenon seems especially significant as it concerns the mentioned above process of Poles’ discovering the differences among themselves. The real socialist system offered a clear social structure (there were three major social categories: the workers, the peasants and the intelligentsia as well as several others whom the socialists wanted to eradicate, i.e. the small business owners, the shirkers, the profiteers etc.) Moreover, this system was characterized by outlook polarization (people were forced define themselves in terms of the only acceptable division into the supporters and the enemies of socialism). Also, socialists eliminated religious diversity in favour of secularization and limited tolerance towards Catholicism. Furthermore, they uniformed people’s lifestyles, mostly via the homogenous and fordistic character of the market as well as leisure in the form of group entertainment and the monoculture of the media. Finally, the system produced the enclaves of every possible cultural difference. All these actions led to the creation of homogenous society, in which some diversity was allowed but it had the character of communes and thus triggered negative reactions. These could be compared the reactions of the first European travelers who, in contact with the Other, were both curious and filled with the desire to make the Other similar to them: the representatives of the only conceivable culture.
Without doubt, the first phenomena which did not fit this clear and simple picture, contradicting its underpinnings, were the groups of odd looking and strange behaving people which emerged during the rock and roll boom of the 80s. With the mass character of these subcultures, one found it hard to treat them like the former movements of this kind, i.e. in the categories of insignificant deviation which only a few people suffer from and which needs to be cured. Subcultures were getting more and more assimilated into an urban landscape. A few attempts at their exotisation resembled those from the memorable Polish Film Chronicles, presenting the birth of jazz and big beat. Yet, with the abundance of subculture movements merging into the pop-cultural mainstream, all the endeavours turned out to be futile. Initially homogenous itself, the vanguard of cultural diversity underwent gradual differentiation, splitting into antagonistic camps and reflecting outlook differences amid the young themselves. Consequently, individualism consolidated as the only possible and desirable value. The vital aspect of subcultures was introducing the categories of “being oneself”, independence and nonconformism into everyday language. Moreover, the visual field became saturated with the visible proofs of diversity among individuals. While specific clothes, body movements, drugs, alcohol and behaviour patterns which did not adhere to the generally accepted norms constituted a revolutionary sight, they also related to much deeper transformation, namely to setting the society members at variance. It was the close of the 1980 that, for the first time in history, streets became the official place of self-expression. The theatrical character of the period was both the effect of subculture colourfulness and of current trends. The fashion of that time was characterized by kitsch, asymmetry, backcombed hairstyles, plastic jewellery, vibrant jackets, marbled jeans, patterned leggings and baggy harem pants. All these elements, juxtaposed with the prevailing darkness, were a harbinger of new ones as well as an indicator of the spreading diversity and vanishing sameness. One could no longer turn away their head and remain ignorant of this phenomenon.
The religious movements which, at least in the Polish context could be labeled as “new”, popped up like mushrooms, producing the same effect as subcultural performances. These ranged from commonly accepted, such as Buddhism or the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), to more exotic international or local sects. In the country where Catholicism was treated as patriotic duty and where going to church equaled fighting with the system, these new forms of spiritual self-realization evoked much greater anxiety than the eccentric clothes and behaviour patterns of rebellious teenagers. In addition, they constituted a proof of internal diversification in the population. However, as a new enemy substituting the declining communism, the movements became a contributor to Christian activists’ mobilization, forcing them to consolidate and manifest their beliefs. This consequently led to the emergence of new divisions in social life and of the overlap between the current and the so far unknown social conflicts. With the disappearance of the one party and the one leader, people gradually lost their certainty of how and what they should believe. The growing doubt also concerned the previous fighters for religious freedom which had been equated with the right to be a member of the Catholic Church.
The ideological and political sphere, too, underwent the process of differentiation at the close of the 80s. The two conflicting sides, which had been dominating so far, i.e. the Party and the opposition, would start multidimensional arguments concerning fundamental values. Yet, facing the general confrontation of the early 80s, both of them came to the fore in a rather homogenous manner. It was at the end of the decade that the cracks within each camp became evident. Those which emerged within the opposition bloc still have an effect on the public sphere. The most important contentious issues have included the attitude towards communism, religion and nation, the acceptable scope of civil liberties and the freedom of self-realization, approaches to modernization and liberalism as well as the admissible model of democracy. Thus, not only did the ideological market of that period considerably grow to include overtly manifested anti-communist attitudes, but it also became diversified, owing to those who adopted and practiced these attitudes. This differentiation advanced further thanks to the new social movements which emerged in Poland only slightly later than in the West. These primarily comprised the pacifist movement (best represented by the Freedom and Peace movement, which fought for abolishing compulsory military service in the nation’s beloved army), the ecological and anti-abortion movements as well as those which one could simply label “freedom movements”, fighting for the freedom of self-expression and creation (e.g. the Orange Alternative, Totart). The phenomenon of outlook pluralisation was vital, as it best reflected Poles’ diversity as well as releasing great social energy which found an outlet in disputes, demonstrations or civil, artistic and publishing activities. I am under the impression that never again have young people, in particular, been as active citizens as at the end of the 80s for never again have one enjoyed so much freedom as then. This was paradoxical as during that period one could not say everything (the repressing police apparatus and censorship still existed. Moreover, the open access to the media was limited.). However, the prevailing belief was that anything was possible and everything was in individuals’ hands). One source of this belief was the already mentioned infection of general imagination with the awareness that one influences their fate. Another source constituted the omnipresent proofs that the communism was now only a sham which ineptly dealt with reality, being therefore on the verge of collapse. Everybody knew that things could not go on the way they had so far. The consciousness that “it was tomorrow already” and that one could already determine the shape of what was to emerge from the ruins of the socialist world, spurred people’s initiative.
At the close of the 80s the structure of Polish society also began to diversify. Yet, the primary factors of the differentiating process were firstly, cunning and enterprise, and secondly, belonging to party elites, rather than the traditional indicators class membership. The system change in Poland was therefore of paradoxical character as it awarded bounces to those who possessed the qualities which were desirable in the capitalistic world and simultaneously the relations through which they became the chosen ones for the realization of the American rags-to-riches myth. Both camps, however, benefited from limbo between the real socialist system which was dying down, and the capitalist system which was only just being born. Such was the state of Poland at the end of the 80s. It was no-man’s time, which could be made use of by anyone, thus giving rise to considerable inequalities among society. Those were privileged, who had access to information and got involved in the networks ensuring improved material and social status within a short time. The heroic period of Polish capitalism was marked by the legendary fortunes belonging to Aleksander Gawronik and Art-B as well as the success of nomenclature firms and Polish companies abroad. This was reflected in usually irreverent films which excellently portrayed the contemporary rules of financial games (e.g. Kapitał, czyli jak zrobić pieniądze w Polsce [Capital or How to Earn Money in Poland], Piłkarski Poker [Soccer Poker], Wielka wsypa [The Great Island] or later Młode wilki [Young Wolves], Amok, Billboard, Nie ma zmiłuj [No Mercy], Pierwszy million [First million] etc.). The great, mythical fortunes, made from one day to the next, were followed by tremendous corruption, with which the contemporary market could not cope. This led considerable inconsistencies in people’s lifestyles, mocked by the stereotypes of moccasins worn with white socks, cognac drunk in vodka drinking style, houses resembling sheiks’ palaces, love for ornaments and patriotic paintings, pouches stuffed with money nouveau riche manners.
Thus, the pro-capitalist revolution annihilated what could be called the bond of fates and experiences, expressed by the similar degree of anguish to which the economy of deficiency treated society. Similar in effects to Earth’s tectonic movements, this revolution rapidly formed the social structure anew. From one day to the next, it created new social divisions, elevating some people to unbelievably high position while reducing others to abject poverty. Hence, it seems that Kieślowski’s Decalogue was not created accidentally. This series which resembles and addresses the issues of the Ten Commandments may be treated as a perfect metaphor of social collapse accompanied by the remembrances of the previous system and the visions/promises of the future. The new social order could no longer be based on old habits and had to be built from scratch. The end of the decade was an inevitable social disaster, which totally changed the social structure, turning out to be freeing as it brought new kinds of satisfaction. Yet, it also led to new forms of injustice. It was a catastrophe resulted in social freedom while droving a wedge between the society members.
Without doubt, the close of the 80s was the time of social anomy and of new values, the time of institutional chaos and of new regulations, the time of system collapse and of creative destruction. During that period the most important means of adaptation was imagination because of which, according to Appadurai, people “no longer perceive their lives as resulting from the status quo but frequently as a compromise between what they are able to imagine and what they are permitted by social life”. The latter, as it has already been said, did not allow to do everything. Yet, it gave the impression that anything was possible. For this reason, peoples’ fates together with the shape of the social system were dependent on how transgressive their imagination was and on how much they trusted in its performative and creative powers. Thus, the revolution of imagination was mostly about common faith in the unrealistic: in the fulfillment of dreams.
Marek Krajewski
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Marek Krajewski - sociologist, professor of Adam Mickiewicz Uniwersity, worker of the Institute of Sociology of Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. Author of books: "Kultury kultury popularnej" [Cultures of Popular Culture](2003, 2006) and “Popamiętanie” [Remembering Pop] (2006) as well as numerous articles devoted to public art, popular culture, the media and the social aspects of material goods; curator of many exhibitions, originator and coordinator of projects: Outside AMS Gallery (1997-2003) and Invisible City (www.niewidzialnemiasto.pl).
